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Hello and welcome back to The Best & The Brightest. I’m Leigh Ann
Caldwell.
The midterm season has officially begun, and there’s no shortage of political news—particularly, this week, out of Texas. There was CBS’s decision to pull Stephen Colbert’s interview with Democratic Senate candidate James Talarico due to concerns it might lead to an F.C.C. investigation over Trump’s cherished equal time rule. The F.C.C. is already investigating ABC’s The View over its own interview with
Talarico.
Elsewhere in the state, the San Antonio Express-News is reporting that Republican Rep. Tony Gonzales had an affair with a staffer who later died by suicide, though the congressman has previously denied rumors about their relationship and said today he would not “engage in these personal
smears.” Abby has more below on the political implications of this tragic story. Finally, I’ll have fresh news and notes from the state’s G.O.P. Senate primary, plus a broader look at the growing unease among Republicans wondering if Trump will deploy his vast political war chest to help them win in November.
Also mentioned in this issue: Hakeem Jeffries, Bill Ferguson, Chuck Schumer, Wes Moore,
Nancy Pelosi, Les Wexner, Jeffrey Epstein, Robert Garcia, Donald Trump, John Cornyn, Ken Paxton, Wesley Hunt, Chris LaCivita, Susie Wiles, James Blair, Tony Fabrizio, and more…
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- No
deal on shutdown: It doesn’t look like the Homeland Security shutdown is anywhere close to ending. Despite Democrats’ latest offer, the White House said today that the two sides remain “pretty far apart”—and that while Republicans remain “interested in good-faith conversations,” they are committed to “carrying out the president’s promise to enforce federal immigration law.”
Meanwhile, Chuck Schumer’s office said that they hadn’t received any response from the White
House, apart from the statement that was also sent to the press. And in the House, Jeffries told reporters that until ICE is reformed “in a dramatic, bold, meaningful, and transformational manner, … the D.H.S. funding bill will not move forward.” Expect little progress until T.S.A. agents receive their first reduced paycheck at the end of the month.
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- Jeffries’
Maryland campaign: House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries traveled to Annapolis today to meet with Maryland Gov. Wes Moore and Democratic State Senate President Bill Ferguson about redistricting the state to Democrats’ advantage. (Moore supports the effort; Ferguson doesn’t, and he has opposed efforts to bring the new maps up for a vote.) “It’s our view that the best course of action is to allow an up-or-down vote,” said Jeffries, who told
reporters that Ferguson had promised to speak with his members about bringing up the vote. As I reported last week, Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi has offered to help, which could come in the form of lobbying, raising money, and/or motivating the grassroots to make sure the mid-decade redistricting moves forward.
- Wexner’s Epstein testimony: The House Oversight Committee deposed former L Brands owner Les Wexner at his
Colorado estate today about his long association with sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein. During a break, Democrats on the committee told reporters that the 88-year-old Wexner “had little to say” about his relationship with Epstein, although Rep. Robert Garcia said Wexner admitted that Epstein “had access” to his wealth. (In his statement to the committee, Wexner denied wrongdoing and said he had been “gullible” and “naive” to trust the “con man” Epstein.) Garcia
said the D.O.J.’s recently released files revealed that Wexner gave or transferred at least $1 billion to Epstein, adding, “There would be no Epstein Island, there would be no Epstein plane, there would be no money to traffic women and girls” without Wexner’s financial support.
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| Abby Livingston
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- The Gonzales mess in
Texas: Now that the San Antonio Express-News has reported his affair with an aide who later died by self-immolation, Rep. Tony Gonzales faces a Texas-sized mess. For one, the paper’s editorial page promptly withdrew its endorsement of the congressman. (He
declined to answer questions about the affair but has previously denied the allegations.) And Gonzales was already facing a tough primary rematch with right-winger Brandon Herrera, whom he defeated two years ago by a mere 354 votes in a runoff. The bombshell report means that he could well lose the nomination to
Herrera—despite support from national G.O.P. groups—though a Republican consultant working on Texas races told me it’s “too early to tell.”
Gonzales serves a safe G.O.P. district in West Texas and was previously viewed as a strong general-election campaigner. His district slightly improved for Republicans in last year’s redistricting, but it’s also heavily Hispanic—and there’s early evidence that voting bloc is swinging away from Trump after swinging toward him in 2024. If Gonzales does
make it through the primary, he might be running as a damaged incumbent, which could be an opening for a Democrat. Meanwhile, Herrera’s far-right politics have raised electability concerns in some Texas circles, should he win the nomination. Granted, all the Democratic contenders in the district have weak campaigns, but messy scandals like this can put far-reach seats in play in a true wave year.
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As midterm season kicks into gear, Republicans fret over what Trump plans to do with his war
chest, while a set of high-profile primaries prove everything is indeed bigger in Texas.
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Donald Trump’s insular political team has begun preparing for the midterms in earnest,
according to a person familiar with the planning. On Tuesday night, Trump chief of staff Susie Wiles held a meeting with cabinet members to discuss messaging and expectations, clarifying that the economy and affordability—which the president has frequently referred to as a Democratic “hoax”—should be the central focus of Republican campaigns.
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The White House meeting was the latest in a series of planning sessions, including one last month in Palm
Beach, where Trump’s senior political team—Wiles, political director James Blair, former campaign manager Chris LaCivita, and pollster Tony Fabrizio—was among those who have been reviewing the races one-by-one in painstaking detail to determine whether, and how, the president will engage. “No major decisions have been made, and they’re still working to get the big guy to green light the spending,” one campaign operative told me.
Wiles has
repeatedly indicated that Trump will return to the campaign trail and refocus his message on pocketbook issues. To that end, the president is heading to Rome, Georgia, tomorrow to tout the economy ahead of the special election to replace Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene. The choice of location is somewhat puzzling—the district is ruby red, hardly the kind of competitive swing district where a campaign rally like this might be necessary to energize the base—but Republicans are happy
he’s planning to focus on his domestic agenda. Of course, that’s assuming he stays on message, which he’s had some difficulty doing at previous “affordability” stops in swingier Michigan and Pennsylvania.
The central question, however, concerns the political war chest he controls—which allies estimate to be around $1.4 billion, far exceeding the resources of any other second-term president—and how much he’s willing to spend on Republicans. The total includes $300 million from Trump’s
super PAC, MAGA Inc., and an unknown amount spread between his dark money group, Securing American Greatness, and the Republican National Committee and other Trump-aligned groups. (And the sum doesn’t include the hundreds of millions that Trump has raised for the White House ballroom and his presidential library in Miami.)
Despite these truly obscene campaign riches, however, Republicans worry that Trump will be reluctant to spend enough on any given race to make a difference. As one
Republican senator told me, “He’ll never spend all that money, because history tells us that.” It’s true that the president doesn’t have much of a record of investing in Republicans not named Trump. The most he ever devoted to a race was the $3 million he spent against incumbent Gov. Brian Kemp in Georgia’s 2022 Republican gubernatorial primary, revenge for the latter’s repeated refusal to falsely state that Joe Biden and Democrats stole the 2020 election. Kemp
won easily.
House operatives are more optimistic that the president will get engaged in lower-cost races—contests where a single rally can have extraordinary impact. A Republican-controlled House is also Trump’s first line of defense against a growing docket of Democrat-led investigations or potential impeachment inquiries—outcomes Trump is intent on avoiding. Still, there’s no clear sign how, or when, Trump’s largesse will be deployed. One House operative predicted that it would be
“soon,” while another cautioned that it’s only February. Plus. A Supreme Court decision expected soon could open the floodgates on candidate coordination with campaign committees, which could change the president’s calculus, too. “Even if it’s not a ton of money,” this person conceded, “it’s more money on the field, period.”
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This political primary season actually proves the adage that everything is bigger in Texas, given
the high-stakes and extremely costly contests on both sides of the aisle. Early voting has begun ahead of the March 3 primary. The high-profile Democratic primary throwdown between evangelical Christian James Talarico and left-wing firebrand Jasmine Crockett has already drawn in Stephen Colbert, David Ellison’s CBS, and Brendan Carr’s F.C.C. On the Republican side, the three-way primary between
incumbent Sen. John Cornyn, scandal-plagued State A.G. Ken Paxton, and Rep. Wesley Hunt has become the second-most-expensive in the country so far, with $98 million spent on television advertising, according to AdImpact. That’s all just a prelude to what will likely be one of the most expensive general election Senate races in history this November.
Paxton, who has led most of the polls, has accounted for just 2 percent of all
that primary spending. That’s not entirely surprising: Sources close to Paxton told me late last year that he planned on spending very little, believing it wouldn’t be necessary before a likely runoff. But as early voting begins, Paxton is showing signs of life. On Friday, he launched his first television ad—a minuscule $350,000 buy, according to AdImpact—and he held his first major campaign event on Monday. His allies say his last-minute spending isn’t a symptom of anxiety about making the
runoff but rather an effort to run up the score. Roughly 500,000 voters, a person close to Paxton said, are leaning toward one of the three candidates and remain persuadable. Paxton wants to pick up as many of them as possible.
While there’s little chance Paxton will win outright with more than 50 percent of the vote on March 3, the closer he gets, the easier the eventual runoff will be. Cornyn and his allies, however, see the coming vote as a chance to get a Trump endorsement, which the
president has so far declined to give on the grounds of being friends with all three candidates. (Instead, he’s said, “We’ll see what happens, but I support all three.”) But if Cornyn proves that he can tie or at least get close to Paxton, and voters who didn’t vote for him appear to be coming over to his side for the
runoff, that may convince Trump to endorse the incumbent. “His ballot position is going to be very critical,” one Republican operative who works on Senate races told me. LaCivita and Fabrizio, who are working for Cornyn, would surely make the pro-Cornyn case to the president.
And yet, as one Republican senator said, Trump believes that Paxton can win the general election. This complicates Cornyn’s quest for the runoff endorsement, though the senator sees it as a “massive win” for the
incumbent that Trump hasn’t backed Paxton outright ahead of March 3. “It’s the reason why John Cornyn will be in the runoff,” this person said. That…and the $59 million that Cornyn has already spent on TV ads.
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