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Welcome back to The Best & The Brightest. We’re wrapping up another week in the longest general election in history. In tonight’s issue, what I’m hearing around Mar-a-Lago about Trump’s shifting abortion views and how the issue is shaping his V.P. calculus.
 ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ 
The Best & Brightest
Image

Welcome back to The Best & The Brightest, I’m Tara Palmeri.

We’re wrapping up another week in the longest general election in history: On Monday, Trump tried to hedge and dodge the abortion issue, only to have it boomerang onto him the next day following Arizona’s shocking Supreme Court ruling, which has likely tipped the scale toward Democrats in the swing state. I broke down Trump’s evolving tactics on my podcast, Somebody’s Gotta Win, with Sam Nunberg, who recalled teaching the Queens-born Trump an easy shorthand for quickly recalling his position on abortion back in 2011: L (life of mother) I (incest) R (rape), like the Long Island Rail Road. Then, on the latest episode of the show, my colleague Teddy Schleifer and I discuss how Democrats and Republicans are applying the dark arts of politics to Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as the threat of the third-party challenger grows.

In tonight’s issue, what I’m hearing around Mar-a-Lago about Trump’s shifting abortion views and how the issue is shaping his V.P. calculus.

But first, here’s Abby Livingston with the latest from the Hill…

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McCarthy’s Fundraising Shadow & Arizona’s Pandora’s Box
Sure, the House floor has been consumed by sound and fury this week. But most longtime Congress watchers believe this is actually the quiet before the legislative storm over Ukraine funding ahead. Mike Johnson seems to be facing a binary choice: funding Ukraine’s fight against the Russian invasion or holding on to his job. In the meantime, there’s plenty of action on the campaign trail:

  • McCarthy’s big shoes: With Johnson’s first fundraising quarter coming to a close, it’s clear the House G.O.P. conference is missing McCarthy’s big-money prowess. Earlier today, Politico reported that Johnson raised $20 million, short of the $35 million that McCarthy raised in the same quarter last year. To be fair, McCarthy spent more than two decades building his national and California fundraising operation, and $20 million is nothing to sneeze at. But will Johnson manage to ramp up his operation further? In any case, the consequences of the transition may feel abstract until the lead-up to the fall, when Republicans will start placing TV ad reservations.
  • The new third rail: The latest crop of campaign ads in Democratic House primaries, particularly in those that embody the party’s divide over Israel, are not even touching the issue. To wit: Earlier this week, pro-Israel Democratic challenger George Latimer, who is facing off against New York incumbent Jamaal Bowman, an outspoken Israel critic, launched his first ad, and Israel doesn’t come up much at all. Further south, in Pennsylvania, another Squad member, Summer Lee—who’s facing a serious challenge from Bhavini Patel—unveiled her own first ad of the cycle. It focuses on abortion, cost of living, and other pocketbook issues.

    In many ways, it’s not surprising that candidates aren’t addressing the issue head-on. Intense behind-the-scenes fights over Israel-Gaza policy are taking place, and it’s yet to be determined what messaging translates into winning arguments. But Lee’s ad did highlight something that I’ve heard about since last summer: It featured Marjorie Taylor Greene as a foil, reinforcing the notion that her national name ID is off the charts.

  • Arizona’s abortion litmus test: The political class is still trying to wrap its head around the Arizona Supreme Court’s decision to revert to a literal 19th century law to effectively ban abortion in the state. The scale of what’s at stake is staggering, from the presidential election to control of the state legislature. Of course, that’s because Arizona is a swing state, and one local insider asked the question on everyone’s mind: Will the decision juice Democratic turnout? The earliest indications will be the Democratic turnout in competitive primaries this fall, fundraising numbers, and Democratic voter registration. Everyone in the state, and nationally, will be watching closely.
And speaking of Arizona…
Midnight at Mar-a-Lago
Midnight at Mar-a-Lago
With the clock ticking, the abortion issue has reshuffled Trump’s V.P. deck.
TARA PALMERI TARA PALMERI
Cognizant of the charged politics around abortion, and concerned about the liberal backlash to the Supreme Court’s reversal of Roe v. Wade, Donald Trump has spent the past several months stress-testing his policy stance on “the a-word,” as he calls it, with his preferred focus group: Mar-a-Lago patrons. In particular, Trump has been polling club members to determine whether any of the vice presidential candidates on his shortlist are considered too extreme on abortion.

Of course, this week’s ruling by the Arizona Supreme Court—dusting off the state’s Civil War-era abortion ban, which arrived like a neatly wrapped, political gift to the Biden campaign—has only made Trump’s veep decision thornier. Hours before the ruling, Trump announced that abortion rights should be left to the states, infuriating some of his supporters. But Trump appears adamant that the Arizona court went too far. Indeed, a source close to Trump told me that since landing on the states rights position, he has explicitly changed his V.P. calculus, removing from his shortlist governors from states without exceptions for abortion in cases of rape or incest, or any state with a so-called “heartbeat bill” before 10 weeks.

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That eliminates South Dakota governor and “best teeth” award winner Kristi Noem. “She has the most extreme positions, which is why some have never taken her seriously,” said a source familiar with the former president’s list. It’s also curtains for Noem’s neighbor, affable billionaire North Dakota governor Doug Burgum, as well as for Sarah Huckabee Sanders, the popular governor of Arkansas. “It’s a hard pitch,” a Trump advisor told me, explaining why governors are dropping from V.P. consideration as Trump embraces a states rights position. “If you’re his V.P., you cannot be a distraction.”

The “a-word” issue isn’t great news for Tim Scott, either. Many in Trump’s inner circle have been arguing that enlisting the party’s only Black senator would neutralize concerns among suburban, swing-state white women that Trump is racist. And on paper, Scott isn’t all that different from every other Senate Republican who supports Lindsey Graham’s proposed 15-week national abortion ban. But it’s the way Scott came out of the gate during his failed presidential campaign—leaning hard into a draconian pro-life stance, and calling a federal abortion ban a “moral obligation”—that has alarmed some Trump allies. “When Tim announced for president, they kept asking him about abortion and he gave a lot of shitty answers,” said a source with knowledge of Trump’s deliberations. (Veep hopeful Ben Carson, who was described to me as “pretty motherfucking pro-life,” doesn’t fare any better in this calculus.)

Of course, Trump’s latest positioning and general information-collection apparatus suggests that he simply wants to minimize the issue. “Trump is trying to take this off the table, and he’s looking to the V.P. to be able to do that,” said a source who is advising him on the issue. “The type of people who can take on the issue and articulate it, that’s what he needs.”

Vance & Rubio Rising
The new focus on abortion marks an evolution of Trump’s political priorities, such as they are. Last month, I reported on the emerging consensus among campaign insiders that his eventual V.P. choice might come down to the candidate who could perform best and bring in wealthy donors—at the time his greatest vulnerability. As my colleague Teddy Schleifer reported, Oracle billionaire Larry Ellison was toying with Trump’s money worries by pushing him to choose Scott as his running mate. But the billionaires have come flocking back. Last week, Trump raised $50.5 million at a record-breaking fundraiser hosted by hedge fund billionaire John Paulson, who’s made no secret of his desire to be Treasury secretary.

But the truth is that no Republican can truly take the abortion issue off the table for Trump, who hand-picked the conservative justices that went on to nuke Roe and set the stage for Arizona’s antebellum court ruling. If that state was in play before—Biden won in 2020 by fewer than 11,000 votes—it’s even more up for grabs now that Arizona residents will have an abortion measure on the November ballot. “It’s fucking bad, this is what everyone’s nightmare scenario has been since Dobbs” said the source with knowledge. “That a functional total ban would hit a swing state.”

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Nevertheless, the Mar-a-Lago brain trust has identified some candidates who might ameliorate the challenge. Among them is Rustbelt senator J.D. Vance, a pet of Donald Trump Jr. (and favorite of Peter Thiel) whose flexible approach to ideology is a close match for Trump’s own. Even though Vance supported Texas’s six-week abortion ban, and campaigned in November against Ohio’s winning measure to protect abortion rights, he has also tweeted that the G.O.P. needs a more realpolitik approach.

Consequently, Vance’s stock is rising among many close Trump allies. “He’s intelligent, and he won’t outshine Trump because he’s just another white guy,” said a source with knowledge of the situation. “I’d take J.D. seriously. Especially since Don Jr. and Steve Bannon and that whole ilk are really pushing J.D.” Added another advisor: “Trump likes him, and Trump thinks he made him.”

As the list gets smaller and Trump grows tired of the unctuous Scott, Marco Rubio’s stock has been rising, too. It helps that he’s close with Susie Wiles and Kellyanne Conway, who have been pushing for a Trump-Rubio ticket. Sure, Rubio would have to leave Florida, given the constitutional penalty imposed on two candidates from the same state on a presidential ticket. But Rubio has privately made it clear he’s tired of the Senate. Maybe relocating wouldn’t be so far-fetched. But with the whims of Trump, it’s far too early to put up the for sale sign.

FOUR STORIES WE’RE TALKING ABOUT
Black vs. Ganieva
Black vs. Ganieva
Part two of Bill’s chat with Leon Black.
WILLIAM D. COHAN
Ronna at Sea
Ronna at Sea
Chronicling McDaniel’s nascent journey into media and MAGA exile.
TINA NGUYEN
Merit-Based Economics
Merit-Based Economics
On the coming wave of beauty brand M&A.
RACHEL STRUGATZ
NBC’s Ronna Aftershocks
NBC’s Ronna Aftershocks
Gathering the post-McDaniel fiasco chatter at 30 Rock.
DYLAN BYERS
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