Hello and welcome back to The Best & The Brightest. I’m Leigh Ann
Caldwell.
Thanks to everyone who came out for last week’s Puck Private Dinner at the Henri with the American Property Owners Alliance, part of a conversation series I host in Washington. It was wonderful to be in such rare bipartisan company. These special events are invite-only, but reach out if you’d like to get on the list.
This week, the House will try to pass the party-line reconciliation bill to fund ICE and Customs and Border Protection. Senate Republicans passed it
early Friday morning, but the House didn’t take it up because they didn’t have the votes for it to pass—too many Republican absences.
Today, I’m bringing you my interview with Arkansas Rep. French Hill, an old-school, country-club Republican who has nonetheless managed to thrive in the Trump era thanks to his shrewd ability to actually get things done in Washington. (Sadly, it’s becoming a lost art…) Our Puck Power Breakfast conversation, sponsored by the
Solana Policy Institute, covered the Senate stalemates over crypto and housing reform, his reservations over Bill Pulte as acting director of national intelligence, his nuanced position on Ukraine, and much more.
Up top, my colleague Marianna Sotomayor brings you the angst inside the Congressional Black Caucus over what to do about Florida Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz, who has decided to run in a majority-Black district after Republicans
carved up her old one.
Also mentioned in this issue: Hakeem Jeffries, Yvette Clarke, Mike Johnson, Zach Nunn, Ron DeSantis, Alcee Hastings, Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick, Tim Scott, and… George Washington.
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| Marianna Sotomayor
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- About Debbie Wasserman
Schultz…: House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries raised eyebrows last week when he staunchly supported one member facing a primary challenge but declined, in the same press conference, to endorse another: Florida Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz, the 11-term incumbent who is seeking reelection in the newly drawn—and historically
Black—20th congressional district. “I haven’t made a decision,” Jeffries said on Tuesday. “I think we all recognize the sensitivities of the moment in terms of an unprecedented Jim Crow–like assault on Black political representation.”
For more than 30 years, Black lawmakers have represented the heavily Democratic southeast Florida district. But Gov. Ron DeSantis
just eliminated four safe Democratic seats, including Wasserman Schultz’s in Broward County. So rather than run in the G.O.P.-leaning 22nd district, where her home now resides, Wasserman Schultz decided to run in the 20th.
The backlash was immediate. While sources in and around the Congressional Black Caucus and Florida politics have described Wasserman Schultz as one of the most “reliable white allies” throughout her three-decade career, the Supreme Court’s recent decision
undermining Black voting power across the South has changed the political calculus. A majority of Florida’s Democratic National Committee members quickly condemned her decision, and many C.B.C. members are pissed that she didn’t ask permission to run in a district where they hoped to bolster a Black candidate. I’m told Wasserman Schultz did inform C.B.C. chair Yvette Clarke about her decision, and Clarke encouraged her to reverse course.
Those closest to
Wasserman Schultz argue that her seniority would help elevate the district and redirect millions in funding to a community that hasn’t had consistent representation following the death of former Rep. Alcee Hastings in 2021. (DeSantis left the seat open for almost a year to help boost House Republicans’ narrow majority.) Supporters also believe she would be a stronger candidate than former Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick, who resigned
in disgrace earlier this year but is now seeking a comeback. I’m told Wasserman Schultz and her team have been telling fellow congressional offices that her internal polling shows roughly 50 percent of voters support her candidacy. But several of her challengers, all of whom are Black, are discussing whether to consolidate behind a single candidate before the June
12 filing deadline to avoid splitting the vote and posing a significant challenge, according to sources familiar with the conversations.
Jeffries said he told Wasserman Schultz she has a right to run wherever she chooses. But many Hill Democrats don’t feel obligated to support her, in part because they do not view her as an incumbent, since she’s running in a new district. Nor do they blame Jeffries for withholding an endorsement: As the potential first Black speaker in history, he is incentivized to strengthen the C.B.C. Wasserman Schultz, for her part, told me she’ll “make my case that I’ll be the most effective representative for the whole community. And as always, I’m not taking any support for granted.”
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The chairman of the House Financial Services Committee joins Puck’s Power Breakfast series
to walk through his ambitious legislative agenda: the stalemate over crypto, sticking points on housing reform, Republican reservations about the president’s immigration banking order, and his complicated position on Ukraine.
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Rep. French Hill is the rare congressman who still gets things done—a trait that has
endeared him to the business types who yearn for the days when lawmakers… passed laws. As I was preparing for my interview with the House Financial Services chairman last week, a Republican lobbyist praised Hill for actually acting and legislating like a committee chair. A Democratic lobbyist agreed. “I’m kind of a French Hill fan,” he said. “A skilled legislator and a decent guy.”
Hill, a lifelong Arkansan who served as executive secretary to President George H.W.
Bush’s Economic Policy Council, is steeped in Southern gentility, and emanates the sort of country-club conservatism that’s fast disappearing these days. Still, Hill has managed to not only survive, but also thrive in Trump’s Washington. He’s a low-drama yet effective committee chair and a consummate team player—a true asset to Speaker Mike Johnson. All characteristics that keep Hill out of your social media feed.
Even his
moments of protest arrive in unusually productive ways. He ignored President Trump’s demand to pass a Senate housing bill, but worked with his Democratic counterpart to pass a version he argues is better. Bipartisan praise is rare in this town, but Hill has positioned himself as a central figure in some of the biggest issues moving through Congress. In addition to the housing bill, which is now stuck in the Senate, he was instrumental in the passage of the Genius Act, a bipartisan crypto bill,
and is now throwing his efforts behind advancing the Clarity Act, which would create a regulatory framework for digital currencies but is currently stalled in the Senate.
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For the latest installment of our Puck Power Breakfast series, I sat down with Hill to discuss his latest
cryptocurrency bill—in particular, how it’s become bogged down over complaints that it doesn’t do enough to circumscribe the Trump family’s own crypto conflicts of interest. (The bill’s Democratic opponents are calling it the “Trump Corruption Bill.”) We also discussed his critical view of Bill Pulte’s ascent to acting director of national intelligence, and his opposition to Trump’s new executive order asking banks to report undocumented clients. The following
conversation has been edited for length and clarity, but you can read more of the interview here, or listen to the full interview on The Powers That Be.
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Leigh Ann Caldwell: The president
recently signed an executive order directing banks to notify the government if they suspect customers are undocumented. Is that something you support?
Rep. French Hill: I don’t know how that’s workable, personally. Identity and things of that nature are frequently done in the states—states issue IDs. The bank is not automatically on the hunt for people who are not in the country legally. You could be here not as a citizen, but on vacation, for graduate school, or on a work
visa—you can open a bank account, you can buy an apartment building. So I think it’s a challenging place to put the banks, and it’ll be challenging to implement.
Do you think it just won’t be implemented?
I’ve not studied it to the extent of understanding the statutory authority to direct that, but I’m simply expressing my opinion that I think it would be challenging to implement.
The president has named Bill Pulte, currently chair of the Federal
Housing Finance Agency, as interim director of national intelligence. As a member of the Intelligence Committee, do you think he’s qualified?
I am, as a member of both HPSCI and chair of the Financial Services Committee, concerned that Bill Pulte has two jobs. I’d like to see him, if he’s going to remain director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency, focused on that. It’s a very important job—overseeing the Federal Home Loan Bank System, which has a lot of
issues, and obviously coping with Fannie and Freddie, and seeing if this administration will entertain working with Congress to end the conservatorship over them.
This is very complicated: It requires Congress’s engagement, requires the executive branch to make some very tough decisions. I think that’s his principal mission, and I think trying to do that job and be the interim D.N.I.—I don’t want to say it’s an impossible task—I find that very challenging. I hope President Trump very
promptly nominates a person who can lead the O.D.N.I. in the right way. This is no time to have a gap in service at National Intelligence.
There’s a bill coming to the House floor this week that would provide funding for Ukraine. Will you support it? [Ed. note: This interview was conducted before the House voted on the Democrats’ Ukraine discharge petition. Hill was not among the 18 Republicans who voted for it.]
I’ve
always supported Ukraine. I’m reading the text of the bill now. I support the Peace Act, which I brought out of my committee almost unanimously on a bipartisan basis—it’s actually a much better bill than this one on the House floor this week. This is a bill by Zach Nunn from Iowa, which sanctions all aspects of the Russian oil and gas industry and gives the president discretion to do that.
I’ve argued consistently since President Trump reentered the White House that
Congress, on a bipartisan basis, should sanction Russia with a new set of directives—principally to send a message to the Kremlin that on a strong bipartisan, bicameral basis, we reject Putin and Putin’s illegal invasion into Ukraine. In my judgment, this gives President Trump’s whole negotiating posture a lot more strength and credibility, because it’s my assessment that since Congress has not done anything recently on that, that somehow might give Putin the wrong message.
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Even if you’re a significant Ukraine supporter, there are problems in this bill. I haven’t decided how I’m
going to vote on it. If I vote yes, it will be to send that message—this is a flawed bill, it’s not going to become law, but I want you to understand that elected representatives are not supportive of Putin and Putin’s destruction of Ukraine. If I do vote yes, you will also see me advocate for a bill that could actually become law and would be a much better approach.
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Getting
Clarity on Crypto
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There’s a cryptocurrency component to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act—a provision was added
to the Senate bill that would ban the central bank from creating a digital currency. Do you support that, and does it jeopardize the bill?
I do support the government not issuing a central bank digital currency. It’s in the rule of construction in [the Genius Act, another crypto bill], signed into law by President Trump. It’s in the housing bill that Tim Scott passed in the Senate, that we then passed in the House with 396 votes. There will be an effort to add
that ban to FISA—this has been driven by a belt-and-suspenders approach by some in Congress to make sure the government doesn’t issue a central bank digital currency, whereby we would all bank at the Fed and it could be a surveillance activity. I do anticipate it potentially being in the bill, but I would remind everybody we’ve already voted for it several times.
One of the biggest sticking points on the Clarity Act, the crypto legislation that’s passed the House and is under
consideration in the Senate, seems to be the ethics issue. Some Democrats are calling this the “Trump Corruption Bill”—estimates put the Trump family’s crypto earnings around $1 billion. Do Republicans need to put some guardrails around this?
If you had our bill in place, you would have cleaned up the entire memecoin industry. The assertion is that people are essentially doing pump-and-dump-type schemes with memecoins, and if the House bill had been in place, all of those would
have been forced onto an exchange, under listing standards and rules of behavior and fair practice. That would, I think, clean up anybody’s concern about memecoin issuance, trading, and dealing, whether by the president or anybody else. That’s one reason why 78 Democrats joined the Republicans in passing Clarity out of the House.
Secondly, I think members are open to normal Office of Government Ethics or executive- and legislative-branch limitations on their own members. The Senate is
working on how they can tighten that language more while maintaining constitutional separation of powers—the rules of the House and Senate differ from the rules for officials in the executive branch. Both can have limitations, but both have to be written in a way that can be enforced in their respective branches.
Do you think Congress is able to write any of those rules around the executive branch?
It gets into a constitutional situation. The president and the vice
president are treated differently among other federal officials, too, so you have to deal with that. But in terms of individual elected officials in the legislative branch, and the president, vice president, and executive-branch appointed officials, I think they can find language that works.
You get into the family aspect of it, then you open up a whole can of worms. Every president since George Washington has dealt with family connected to the presidency. Do you think
you can write a law that says no member of the president’s family can do this or that commercial activity? I think that’s very difficult. I don’t anticipate that to be the direction the Senate would go.
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